In what is being hailed as “the biggest case on abortion in 30 years,” the Supreme Court will hear arguments beginning in October 2021 with a ruling expected in June 2022. Pro-Life advocates hope for the 1973 ruling in Roe v. Wade, which made abortion legal nationwide up to the point of “viability,” will be overturned and such matters returned to the individual states. I discuss the somewhat more complicated findings in the Roe v. Wade decision in Chapter 4 of my book (see the My Book tab). Pro-Abortion factions did not want the Supreme Court to take the case and risk modification to various aspects of the Roe v. Wade decision, which Pro-Life factions argue are antiquated.
The Mississippi Gestation Age Act bans abortion after 15 weeks gestation “except in a medical emergency or in the case of a severe fetal abnormality” and does not allow exemptions for rape or incest as is common in many laws which regulate abortion. The law was challenged by the Jackson Women’s Health Organization and was blocked by the 5th US Circuit Court of Appeals. The Supreme Cort case is styled as Dobbs v. Jackson Women’s Health Organization.
Anti-abortion statutes began to appear on the United States in the 1820’s, first targeting abortifacients (poisons to induce abortion). After 1860, progressively stronger anti-abortion laws were passed in many states. Surgical abortion had a death rate of 30% and was rarely practiced until the late 1800’s with the advent of anesthesia and more sanitary practices. Thus, some regulation by the states was necessary.
Liberalization of abortion laws began in some states in the 1920’s, varying in their scope but generally centered around the issues of rape or incest or if the mother’s life or “health” were at risk.
Mississippi made abortion legal for rape in 1966, and this was extended to incest in 1972. In the 1973 decision in Roe v. Wade, the Supreme Court decided that a law forbidding abortion (except to save the life of the mother) was unconstitutional and that women had a “right” to an abortion. This required all of the states to come into compliance with the new standard.
However, a woman does not have an “absolute right” to an abortion. The government has compelling interests to protect the health of the mother and to protect the life of the fetus. Therefore, in the third trimester, when the fetus became “viable” the state could prohibit abortion except when necessary to protect the mother’s life or “health.” The issue of the mother’s “health” was decided in the companion case of Doe v. Bolton and was described so broadly as to permit abortion for almost any reason.
In 1982, Pennsylvania passed the Abortion Control Act and pushed against the Roe v Wade decision by requiring a waiting period and parental consent of a minor, while de facto asserting that the individual states have the right to regulate abortion differently. In 1992, the Supreme Court took up the case of Planned Parenthood v. Casey and largely reaffirmed Roe while also ruling that the states could regulate abortion in the first trimester to protect the woman’s health, and that advances in medical science could make a fetus “viable” before the third trimester.
The decision in Casey encouraged activists at the state level to lobby for restrictions on abortion. In 1982, Mississippi had 13 abortion clinics. By 1992, it had only 8 and, by 2006, only one remained open. In 2012, a total of 1100 statues were proposed in the 50 states and 135 became law in 36 states. That was the year that Mississippi tried, but failed, to pass a fetal heartbeat law. However, a law was passed to require doctors providing abortions to have hospital privileges to care for women with complications from their procedures. However, this was struck down by a federal court. In 2013, Mississippi passed a law regulating medication induced abortions.
Activists introduced legislation in 2015 and again in 2017 that would have banned abortion in almost all cases. Had it passed, the last remaining abortion clinic in Mississippi would have had to close. The legislature also tried, but again failed, to pass a fetal heartbeat law in 2017.
It was in 2018 that the Gestation Age Act was passed and became the center of the case which will now be decided by the Supreme Court.
In the meantime, in 2019 Mississippi finally passed a fetal heartbeat bill. However, it has been “temporarily” blocked by a federal court. There are similar laws in 5 other states which have been temporarily blocked by federal courts. Texas has just signed a fetal heartbeat bill into law which will take effect September 1, 2021. However, it will almost certainly be challenged. See my post on the unique aspects of this law which may allow its survival in court.
In 2020, Mississippi passed a law prohibiting abortion on the basis of the fetus’ race, gender, or genetic abnormality. The later exclusion primarily targets saving those with Down Syndrome.
Only 36% of adults in Mississippi believe abortion should be legal in all or most cases. It is on the basis of statistics like this and because of Pro-Life activism that so many states are pushing back against the ruling in Roe being applied to all states equally. Pro-Life activists believe that it is the circumstances in which women find themselves that make them desperate and susceptible to the argument that abortion is their only option.
To protect women from such exploitation and to protect the life of the unborn, state governments have developed many resources for pregnant women and disadvantaged families. Private pregnancy resource centers also offer material help as well as education and emotional support. In 2018, there were 2,527 pregnancy resource centers of one kind or another and 3.2 times as many such centers as abortion facilities. This amply demonstrates that there are vast resources available to women with an unwanted pregnancy, and abortion is not the only option for the most distressed woman.
In addition to the struggle over abortion among activists and legislators, the courts are quite uncertain how to rule on matters which conflict with the 10th Amendment to the constitution: “The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the States, are reserved to the States respectively, or to the people.” There is nothing in the constitution addressing the right to an abortion. Even the Court deciding Roe admitted that fact, but stated that a woman has a right to “privacy” in choosing whether to have an abortion. But, it is hotly debated whether abortion should be regulated at the state level or at the federal level.
For this reason, the huge amount of legislation introduced and passed into law in the last decade and often “temporarily” blocked by federal courts has produced a lot of tension, controversy, and aggravation. This needs to be resolved, and it is hoped by the Pro-Life faction that the Supreme Court will (at least in part) rule that the states can regulate abortion within their purview (in a limited manner) which meets the standards and needs of their communities.
However, beyond this case the political power structure and profit motivated abortion industry will still press on to offer abortion as a necessity and the first and best choice. The need for offering women education, alternatives, and help will continue to increase.